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Restoration in Russia: Much Needed and Inevitable

Translation of Russian political analystdecried as narrow-minded anachronism.Russian
Alexey Pushkov's article of the samepoliticians still argue which party to
name.Handing over power to Vladimir Putin inpattern our economy and policy on - Europe or
1999, Boris Yeltsin sought to preserve thethe USA. Oh, but we must pattern them on
political alignment of forces and coordinatesRussia, the total of its interests! Checking
he set during his rule in Russia inour interests with those of other counrties,
1991-1999. The project 'Heir' did not onlyof course.Sixth. Under Putin the country's
imply selecting a man from Yeltsin's 'camp',controllability was restored, its slow
but the one who would preserve the status quodesintegration was stopped. When Yeltsin was
of the regime. This is indicated, among otherin office the national republics fell off the
things, by the fact that he insisted on hisUnion, break-away sentiments appeared in the
'key men' Alexey Voloshin and MikhailChechen, Tartar and other autonomous
Kasyanov to have the longest possible term inrepublics, even certain Russian regions began
office.However, the overall results ofto claim autonomy (let us remember the Urals
Putin's five-year office show that he hasRepublic proposed by the Urals governor
discarded most of Yeltsin's heritage.First ofEduard Rossel). This process was slow, but it
all, he bridged the basic gap of Yeltsin'sendangered the country's integrity. Meanwhile
epoch, the gap between the left and the rightYeltsin took the 'gulp as much sovereignty as
wings. Under Yeltsin, there was a continuousyou can' stance.Zbignev Bzhezinsky, a
struggle between the authority, on the onewell-known American political scientist,
hand, and the communists, patriots andpublished a map where Russia was divided into
socialist-oriented part of the population, onthree countries: European, Siberian and Far
the other. The country was fevered byEastern. That was his tentative project for
constant strife; the State Duma, where theRussia. Yes, there was a possibility of such
communists had majority, being in thean outcome - take the town of Khasavyurt in
vanguard of struggle with Yeltsin and theDagestan, a part of Russia that was given 5
elite, could not carry out the legislativeyears' independence. The danger of
process, as their laws did not suit thedisintegration is still looming, although the
executive and were virtually directed againstCenter is keen on consolidating the country.
the latter.Putin neutralised the left,Putin lifted the national morale and showed
adopting much of their arguments: Russia doesthat separatism will not go unpunished. He
have the acute demographic problem (the lowshould beware, though, putting too much
birth- and high death-rates), the oligarchypressure on the national republics and
dominance, corruption and weak army. Thesedivesting them of their rights, as it may
points were taken upon by Putin in hiscause an outburst of nationalism.Seventh.
election program, at least as a rhetoric (inDespite all the drawbacks of the present
the part of olgarchy limitations and armygovernment, V. Putin was able to win back
financing they were put into actualpeople's trust for public authority. There is
practice). Then, Putin broke the Communists'no trace of 'devilry around the throne', so
'monopoly' on patriotism, thus renderingglaring in Yeltsin's time and headed by Boris
their traditional 'anti-people's regime' rantBerezovsky. Even the liberal journalists, who
meaningless.Communists are now heard onlycriticise, sometimes unreservedly, the
when the authority initiates rash, unpreparedpresent government, admit that there was a
and ill-grounded laws, like the monetisationmafia-like 'family clan' around Yeltsin,
of perquisites for pensioners - the measure,which held power in the country. True, there
which was not enough elucidated in theare various factions and influential groups,
press.Secondly, the President was able topromoting their interests and struggling with
revamp the pattern of power and unite theeach other in today's administration, but
elite. Putin assigned the issues of economynone of these claim to have entire power, to
to liberal democrats, those of security - tobe the only decision-makers.Some people say
the military and law enforcement, andV. Putin's team is not united. Yes, there are
entrusted the administrators who succeeded incontroversies in it. But, on the other hand,
retaining power in later Yeltsin's weakenedthere is no 'family' either. St. Petersburg's
hands with domestic policy. These are allrepresentatives were at first considered more
very different people representing differents'close' to the President than others, but it
parts of the elite, but to a certain extentwas not born out, say, Dmitry Kozak, was
united under Putin.Why did the Union of thedispatched to the Southern Federal District
Right Forces (the SPS) lose the recentas the President's plenipotentiary to deal
election? Because it was no longerwith the Chechen Republic and terrorism.
indispensable: many government officers, suchUnder V. Putin the 'office politics' (the
as German Gref, Alexey Kudrin, Igor Shuvalovcode of relations between officials) became
pursue the rightist policy as it is. Thefundamentally different - meritocracy was
perquisites monetisation, drafting theestablished.However, there are serious
hyperliberal Forest Code, cancellation ofproblems ahead for Putin. He 'steered the
State Standards for pharmaceutical productsship about, but has not set a well-defined
and even motioning prison privatisation arecourse  for  her'.
the telltale signs of the liberal course in
Russia's domestic policy (whether theseFirst. The economy grows largely due to the
measures are for the good or for the bad isoil price rise. Russia hasn't begun forming a
another matter).V. Putin has in his arsenalcompetitive economy - developing high
not only the leftist, but also the rightisttechnologies, launching large-scale target
ideas. It is not accidental that Anatolyprograms, renovating the defense
Chubais tried to throw in the catchphrase 'aestablishments, etc. All these could only be
liberal empire' to define the presentattained with the participation of the state,
political system in Russia - the SPS wasbut it left the economy to its devices. The
losing its 'property right' for liberalpositive dynamics of Russia's economy won't
reforms. Neutralisation of the right wing iskeep, if the oil prices drop.The economy
the third accomplishment of Putin'sremains passive: it absorbs enormous sums of
office.Fourth. Putin was able to considerablymoney and yields 6-7 percent growth, but
weaken the influence of big business on theRussia keeps selling its staple raw materials
State machinery and policy. Mikhailand does not work up new foreign markets.
Khodorkovsky made an attempt of directlyThere is no growth in mechanical engineering
converting money into power, like at a bureauexports, nor in high tech production.
de change - he offered 15 billion roubles forHowever, the competitive strength of an
power in Russia. His plan was frustrated byeconomy is determined by these two factors,
Putin. Some people say, it is not democratic.and not by raw materials, but by finished
But did Khodorkovsky act in a democratic way?goods. So far Russia's economy has not been
How were the 15 billion rubles obtained? Inset for efficiency, no innovative
general terms, does big money entitle abreakthrough has been made.Second. The
person to power purchase? The history ofsituation in Chechnya is much more serious
Russian oligarchy is essentially aboutthan it may seem, and the Chechen leader
converting money into power. Boris BerezovskyAhmad Kadyrov's assassination is a heavy blow
and Vladimir Gusinsky were doing it throughto the peace in this region. Though there is
mass media, for example, when in 1996no war in the classic sense there, as
Gusinsky helped Yeltsin win the electionsseparatists have no power to 'fight on
enlisting the services of thefronts', Chechnya is pervaded with separatist
establishment-sponsored television channeland terrorist agents. Raids and acts of
NTV, it was the direct conversion of a mediaterrorism still obtain in the region, and
resource into power.Earlier in 1994 Alexandereven spread to the country at large.Third.
Korzhakov, the then Chief of the President'sVladimir Putin has not yet created an
Security Service, conducted - by Yeltsin'sefficient state machine. For example, the
instructions - the 'mug in snow' operationevents in Beslan on September 1-3 2004, when
against Gusinsky, so that the oligarchs couldmore than 4,000 children and teachers were
understand that authority should not beheld hostage, prove the low efficacy of
conflicted with, but paid off (notsecurity service. Under B.Yeltsin the KGB was
necessarily with direct finance). So thebeing consistently wrecked under pretence of
oligarchs began to finance media to brainwashfighting communism (the consequences of this
people by meting out, distorting information,act are not yet fully overcome). Yet not one
misinforming, launching media attacks as ademocratic state could manage without strong
punishment for public figures, orchestratingsecurity services, what was really needed is
public opinion, spin control and fixingto reform the former Soviet
elections... For such services Berezovskyintelligence.Fourth. Russia should vindicate
even obtained an office in the government -its positions in foreign policy with more
he became deputy secretary of the Securityfirmness. American politicians spoke to me
Council and was responsible for the Chechen(Alexey Pushkov) about the surprise Russia's
issues (a glaring absurdity from today'srefusal to back the war in Iraq caused with
perspective!).Berezovsky and Gusinskythe US administration. Why did Russia give an
believed that Yeltsin's apointee Vladimirimpression that it could be counted on in any
Putin would let them play their games asmatter, or that it shouldn't be reckoned
before. They were baulked in their plans.with? Because it had settled for anything the
However, certain agressive representatives ofUSA was doing, be it the withdrawal from the
big business persisted in their struggle forAnti-Missile Defence Treaty (the Russian
power - the inertia of complete license wasgovernment's comment: 'a deplorable error')
too strong, the sense of omnipotence struckor the second round of the NATO expansion.
root. 'We would beat Yeltsin all the same -The US administration overestimated its
while he had been learning to play domino, weinfluence on Moscow, but it was Russia who
had mastered chess', said Leonid Nevzlin, agave cause for this, adopting a policy too
businessman and public relations expert.'comfortable' for the USA.Unfortunately, many
Mikhail Khodorkovsky's logic was of the samefeatures of Yeltsin's administration devolved
strain: the sense of exclusiveness promptedon that of Putin. The lack of publicity in
him to attempt to use financial clout andlegislature is one of them. We are faced with
gain control over the State Duma and thepolitical reforms, which come as if out of
Federation Council, thus becoming the 'powerthe blue - nobody has taken the trouble to
broker', de facto leader of the country. Thatexplain their essence and prove their
splendid coup was thwarted - Putin'snecessity. This is said to be the traditional
government wouldn't play either domino orRussian authoritarian style of
chess with Khodorkovsky, it simply upturnedadministration. But bad traditions should be
the table. Some say it wasn't nice or fair.changed, unless the government is willing to
Perhaps. But it was not fair play on the partstand aloof from its people.The main dangers
of Khodorkovsky in the firstimpending over Putin's administration are as
place.Khodorkovsky's political failure as thefollows.The first is the situation in
failure of converting money into power wasChechnya. The efficiency of Putin's policy
logical. Yeltsin depended on the oligarchs,largely depends on his ability to settle the
as he had no other 'point of rest', beingChechen conflict. If the 'vertical of power'
politically and physically infirm, unpopular,built by him does not yield fruit in that
and undergoing persistent pressure from theregion, he will fail to convince the country
left wing. Contrariwise, Putin is popular; hein the necessity of exerting control. It is
succeeded in uniting the elite and was ableprecisely the issue of Chechnya that will be
to move away from the oligarchs.Somethe touchstone of Putin's policy, both in
political scientists maintain that theRussia and internationally. The Chechen war
restriction of big business power is wrong,and terror became Putin's gravest challenges,
as it entails the omnipotent power of Statewhich demand the consolidation of power,
bureaucracy. True, the official powers shouldstrengthening of the State, and in some
be counterbalanced, otherwise the Statecases, turning the screw. But if the screws
becomes overpowering (this was Russia'sare tight, and the vehicle does not move, the
permanent political bane, but the countryquestion of the adequacy of such a policy
needed it because of its size, climate and awill arise.The second danger (more prominent
number of other factors). But Yeltsin'sduring his second term in office) is the
immoral big business is not the kind ofappearance of consolidated opposition. It
counterbalance the community needs. Whileincludes the liberal politicians who lost the
Russia was historically better off unterelection in the Duma, but have a solid
total power, the oligarchs would retain it,support of big business, their own financial
but make it inhuman and anti-national - evenresources, and a substantial backing from
more unscrupulous, mercenary and corrupt.abroad. They are eager to score political
State totalitarianism would turn intopoints using the government's mistakes. For
oligarchal totalitarianism. There was butexample, against the logic of their liberal
imitation of democracy under Yeltsin, but ifmarket views, they are attacking the
Khodorkovsky could have gained power, themonetisation of perquisites for pensioners.
political pseudodemocracy might have turnedThey are doing it, because the authority is
into oligarchal pseudodemocracy, with itsvulnerable in this poorely prepared reform.
arsenal of manupulative and venal media. TheThe next power standing in opposition to
restriction of oligarchal influence on thePutin is the 'exiled' oligarchs. Berezovsky,
policy and strategy of the State isGusinsky, Nevzlin are people with resources,
necessary. Giving a resolute check toand have connections in the West. Berezovsky
Khodorkovsky's plans, Putin made himis quite frank in saying that his principal
understand that individuals (even very richgoal is to weaken Putin's regime. Then, the
ones) cannot dictate the policy to thegovernment is opposed by certain liberal
State.Fifth. Putin proclaimed the foreignmedia (which include several central TV
policy based on national priorities. Underchannels of Russia), especially their
Yeltsin it was based on absolutely differentaggressive part backed by the oppositional
principles: the first postulate was thatbig business. A part of national and regional
Russia should at all costs become the part ofelite, displeased at the decision that
civilised world, implying the West; theregional governors be appointed by the
second was that Russia has no nationalPresident (and apprehending the restoration
interests basically different from those ofof the unitarian state), may also join the
the USA; the third was that Russia shouldopposition. A part of liberal intelligentsia
completely reject the use of force in solvingand the communists joining the liberals on
its political problems, as it iscertain points also swing against the
'undemocratic'.Over the past 10 years we haveadministration. Finally, the anti-Russian and
seen other nations solve their problems byanti-Putin forces in the West are also
various methods, including, alas, the use ofopposed to Putin. All the mentioned forces
force as, for instance, in Bosnia or inare, however, largely outnumbered by Putin's
Iraq.We also realised, that the course ofsupporters (in Russia the ratio is about one
equating Russia's political interests withto ten). Nevertheless, they should be
those of US or EU is not absolutely correct.reckoned with.Putin has few propagandists of
Putin agreed with the USA in the crucialhis ideas and proposals. He himself has to
issue of fighting terrorism, but he made itexplain his home and foreign policy, the
clear that our countries' views on some otherideas of his political reforms. His press
issues differ. He is not afraid to say thatsecretaries and information services keep
Russia has inherent interests in thesilence, although it is their duty to compete
countries of the CIS (Commonwealth ofwith the huge bulk of anti-Putin propaganda.
Independent States), even if it may annoyThe system lacks people with active
some political parties abroad. However, theideological and political thinking, capable
practical realisation of Russia's nationalof supporting its plans and decisions. And
interests may be impeded by two factors: thethis is in the face of strong opposition,
cosmopolitan character of big business andnostalgic for Yeltsin's Russia - weak,
the 'anational' mentality of the youngerdocile, corrupt, and disintegrating.However,
generation of Russians, formed during theif the efficiency of administration rises,
past 10 years.'Paying taxes is our only duty,the economy grows, the opposition will have
and we owe nobody but God and ourto bear Putin's 'authoritarian liberalism'.
conscience', Peter Aven, a business and mediaConversely, if there are no tangible results,
tycoon, said in his interview. Yes, but if anhe will be accused of sacrificing democracy.
individual knows neither God nor conscience?Putin must prove that his model is
Why should big business detach itself fromefficient.The period of authoritarian
the rest of the nation? Russia's big businessdevelopment is inevitable. The liberals
is essentially cosmopolitan, not to saycondemn Putin's policy as restoration, but
anti-national.As for the 'anational'restoration is a normal practice for any
mentality, it becomes apparent from the factcountry after a sharp 'side slip'. If a
that younger people, even those whose majornation loses capacity for correcting its
at universities is political science,'side slips', it may, like a car, roll over
sometimes question the necessity of Russia'sat a sharp turn of history. Restoration is
'special attutude' towards certain issues.the nation's adaptation to new conditions,
'Why don't we just trim ourselves to the USits self-regulation, aligning a car after a
position?', they ask. The notion of 'nationaldrastic side slip.
interests', as well as patriotism, has been



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